There are a number of penal systems in the United States
which take upon themselves the job of confinement or supervision of persons
charged with, or convicted of crimes. For the most part, these systems are
capable neither of rehabilitating criminals nor of protecting society, much
less restoring crime victims. They are, in fact, institutions where persons are
further conditioned in criminal conduct and where advanced skills in crime are
taught. More often than not, penal institutions have created more crime rather
than deterred criminals. They represent an indescribable failure and have been
subjected to gross neglect by the rest of society and by the church. They do
not deserve the designation of correctional institutions, for they
correct nothing for the crime victim, the offender, or the community.
Despite their massive failure, prisons and jails and the numbers of persons
confined within them are growing rapidly in the United States, leading some to
speak of a "Prison Industrial Complex." This concept refers to the extent to
which corporate interests and the profit motive -- not concerns of public
safety, equal justice, offender rehabilitation, or victim restoration -- are
increasingly driving and determining criminal justice policy in the United
States.
Private Prisons
International attention has been given to the long and rapid rise in the United
States prison population over the last 25 years. The United States imprisons a
higher proportion of its people than all but one other country in the world,
Russia. Incarceration has become a very expensive growth industry in the
United States.
This industry of warehousing people has presented a temptation to those who
would profit from the punishment of human beings, leading to perhaps the most
ominous illustration of the prison industrial complex at work: the
privatization of prison operation and/or ownership. Sometimes governments
contract with corporations to operate prisons. A recent trend is for private
corporations to design, build, and own prisons to be privately operated and to
house prisoners from anywhere in the United States or its territories. Often
this takes the form of companies' building prisons on spec, or as
speculation, assuming that prisoners will be found, somewhere, to fill their
beds.
There is a long history in the United States especially in the South, of
exploitation of prison labor through the convict lease system and other
arrangements whereby private industry has been allowed to have control over
prisoners' lives. The 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution allows
for legal exploitation of prisoners. Today, private prison entrepreneurs seek
areas which have a surplus of prisoners and areas of high unemployment which
often welcome prisons as a new form of economic development. Typically,
this means that it tends to be the poor and ethnic minorities who find their
labor, their spirits, and their lives exploited, whether as the keepers or as
the kept.
Private prison companies typically are paid on a per capita and per diem basis.
Therefore they have little incentive to rehabilitate prisoners or to prevent
recidivism. Indeed, it is in their economic interest to have more crime, more
incarceration, and more recidivism, all of which lead to more profits. The
logic of the profit motive is to cut costs. In privately operated prisons,
this is usually achieved by cutting staff, payroll, benefits, supplies,
security, and rehabilitation programming for prisoners. Such cuts lead to a
decreased sense of professionlism and a higher rate of turnover among
employees, greater hopelessness and bitterness among prisoners, and greater
threats to the safety of staff, prisoners, and the general public, especially
in the local community.
Many states where private prisons are now operating have no laws regulating
their operations (including health, safety, security, legal access for
prisoners and disciplinary policies). Many private prisons are under no
obligation to ensure access to information about prisoners held in them o r how
they are classified, and often regard this as proprietary information. Private
prisons hurt local and state economies. Contracting out operations exports
taxpayer monies from local communities to corporations often headquartered out
of state. For existing prisons, communities lose public sector jobs with
family-supporting wages and benefits, and civil service job security. Local
communities which provide supplies, services or equipment to government
agencies lose out when a large contractor, usually based out of state, wins a
contract to operate a former government facility. Finally, when private
prisons contract out bed space to prisoners from distant states, it makes it
more difficult for families, friends, ministers, attorneys, and advocates to
visit them for support, or counsel. This also increases their chances of
recidivism when they are released.
Our Lord began his ministry by declaring "release to the captives..." (Luke
4:18 NRSV), and He distinguished those who would receive a blessing at the last
judgment by saying, "I was in prison and you visited to me." (Matthew 25:36b
NRSV) Jesus also declared that one cannot serve two masters and condemned the
idolatry of mammon, or wealth. (Luke 16:13).
Christians, therefore, must have a special concern for those who are captive in
any way, especially for those who are imprisoned, and for the human conditions
under which persons are incarcerated. Individual Christians and churches must
also oppose those policies and practices which reflect greater allegiance to
the profit motive than to public safety and to restorative justice for
offenders, crime victims, and local communities.
Therefore, The United Methodist Church declares its opposition to the
privatization of prisons and jails and to profit making from the punishment of
human beings.
Info About Petition 30589-CS-NonDis-O